Asian Collapse as Model for Impending U.S. Economic Collapse
Fiscal Sustainability and Contingent Liabilities from Recent Credit Expansions in South Korea and Thailand
Diego
Valderrama
Economist Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco Economic Review 2005: An annual publication of the Economic Research Department, Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco
While South Korea and Thailand had relatively sustainable fiscal policies prior to the Asian crisis, the long-term
cost of the bailout of their financial sectors amounted to an estimated 30 to 40 percent of output, which was largely financed
by public borrowing. The recent credit expansions in South Korea and Thailand have created new contingent liabilities for
the governments of the two countries. This paper evaluates the impact of these rapid credit expansions on the Sustainability
of fiscal policy in South Korea and Thailand. In Thailand, a rapid credit expansion preceded the currency collapse that heralded
the Asian crisis. Fiscal policy in South Korea appears to be consistent with its long-run budget constraint, while fiscal policy in Thailand
is not consistent with its long-run budget constraint. A loss in international confidence may considerably tighten their
borrowing limit very rapidly, regardless of the long-run Sustainability of fiscal policy.
{This is the same conclusion that Alan Greenspan has repeatedly made about the economic policies of the US Republican
Party based upon a similar credit expansion in the US economy. Read or watch
for example his hearing before Congress 4/20/05.—JK} For an article directly on the credit expansion and the size of the us
debt by Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco
1. Introduction
In the decades before the 1997-1998
Asian financial crisis, South Korea
and Thailand experienced sustained economic growth attributable to investment growth and productivity gains. The investment underlying this economic expansion was financed by relatively high levels of private savings as well as by foreign borrowing. During the crisis, international creditors lost confidence in these countries,
prompting higher costs of borrowing,
and leading to a wave of bankruptcies
by many seemingly sound firms. This further undermined international investor confidence and led to a rapid outflow of short-term capital and a sharp depreciation of domestic currencies, a phenomenon termed a sudden stop by Calvo (1998) and (Calvo and Reinhart 1999). The ensuing crisis led to the collapse of the financial sector and of economic activity.
The rapid expansion
of foreign credit is seen by many as the
primary cause of the Asian financial crisis. Calvo has argued in many papers that traditional theories of emerging market crises that identify poor fiscal performance as the direct cause of instability are not
sufficient to explain the sudden stop
episodes. Instead, he argues that weaknesses in the financial sector, particularly those due to a large portion of foreign exchange-denominated liabilities in the domestic financial sector, make emerging markets particularly prone to crises.
In line with Calvo's arguments,
South Korea and Thailand had relatively sustainable fiscal policies prior to the Asian crisis.1 However, the long-term bailout cost of their financial sectors
amounted to an estimated 30 to 40 percent of output in both countries. This was
financed largely by public borrowing. This large increase in public debt deteriorated the countries' fiscal accounts. Governments in both countries were forced to increase taxes and cut social
spending to free resources to repay the debt. The global economic slowdown of 2000-2002 restrained export growth and limited the amount of foreign funds available
to South Korea and Thailand. Moreover, to limit further vulnerability to capital
flow reversals, these countries were reluctant to rely on additional foreign funds
and thus instituted capital controls and began paying off foreign loans. With foreign financing precluded, both countries sought
to stimulate their economies by expanding domestic demand. However, the
governments were restrained from boosting domestic demand through expansionary fiscal policy because policies recommended by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) encouraged greater fiscal austerity.
Consequently, South Korean and Thai policymakers encouraged domestic demand by increasing public credit and encouraging commercial banks to increase credit
to private firms and domestic consumers. Led by private consumption, both economies expanded. In South Korea, output
grew by over 6 percent in 2002, and consumption grew by 6.7 percent. In Thailand, output grew by 5.4 percent in 2002 and by
6.7 percent in 2003, and consumption grew by 4.9 percent and 6.2 percent, respectively.
The recent credit expansions in South Korea
and Thailand create new contingent liabilities for the governments of each of these countries as the probability of a
banking crisis (and its size) increases if private credit grows very rapidly above trend. Indeed, one factor that can weaken
a financial sector and often leads to a sudden stop episode is a rapid expansion of credit to the private sector. Examining
historical evidence on the cost of deflating credit expansions in emerging markets, a study by the IMF (2004) finds that if
private credit expands too rapidly above a historical trend, termed a credit boom, the expansion usually deflates
under its own weight, just as stock market bubbles eventually burst. The IMF study finds that private credit booms in emerging
markets are associated with consumption and investment booms (with a 70 percent probability), followed by banking
crises (75 percent) and currency crises (85 percent).
Credit expansions create contingent liabilities
that are not directly measured by the government's debt position. These contingent liabilities include both explicit liabilities,
created by bank insurance funds and government ownership of government banks, and implied liabilities created by possible
bailouts of the financial system. The IMF estimates that, for 60 emerging market banking crises, the average added
debt was 14 percent of GDP (IMF 2003). For South Korea and Thailand, the increase in public debt alone was in the order of
20 to 30 percent of GDP (He 2004).
The goal of this paper is to evaluate the sustainability
of fiscal policy in South Korea and Thailand in the presence of contingent liabilities created by rapid credit expansion.
First, I identify periods of rapid credit expansion in South Korea and Thailand using a methodology proposed by the IMF (2004).
I show that both South Korea and Thailand have experienced rapid credit expansions in recent years. For Thailand, a rapid
expansion preceded its currency collapse, which heralded the Asian crisis. The analysis shows that South Korea and Thailand
have experienced periods of rapid credit growth that put them at risk of financial instability, which may in turn prove a
threat to fiscal sustainability.
Second, I analyze the long-run sustainability of fiscal policy using an empirical test suggested
by Bohn (1998). The test addresses the question of whether governments respond to larger public debt by increasing their
primary surpluses. If governments respond in such a way, they can be shown, under mild conditions, to -satisfy their
long-run budget constraint. I find that fiscal policy in South Korea
has been consistent with its long-run budget constraint. But in Thailand, especially for the
1990s, fiscal policy has not been consistent with its long-run budget constraint. Further, I ask whether, in the face of increasing
contingent liabilities from recent credit booms, the governments of South Korea and Thailand are taking corrective actions.
In particular, I augment the Bohn regressions by including variables to measure private credit expansion. The increase of
credit to the private sector represents a contingent liability to the government. I find that, while South Korea has
not been provisioning for increased contingent liabilities by increasing its fiscal surplus, Thailand has run larger deficits
as private credit has grown.
Finally, I analyze the sustainability of fiscal
policy by presenting the results of stress tests on the level of public debt. In particular, I estimate a debt limit proposed
by Mendoza and Oviedo (2004) for South Korea and Thailand. Then, I ask how close these economies come to their debt limit
if they are forced to increase public debt to bail out the financial system again. I also estimate how much tighter their
borrowing limit would become if international investors lost confidence in those economies and demanded higher interest
rates for lending funds to the government. The results for both countries show that a loss of confidence in their economies
may tighten their borrowing limit considerably.
The rest of the paper is organized as follows.
Section 2 presents the methodology that will be used to assess the sustainability of fiscal policy in South Korea and Thailand
in the face of rapid credit expansions. Section 3 briefly describes some salient features of the data used in the paper.
Section 4 presents the results of the analysis. Section 5 concludes.
{The body of the paper (10 pages) is complex mathematical analysis and table for which one
would at least have to be a 3rd year economics student for to comprehend.
I believe that visitor to this website have neither the background or the motivation to read the body of this paper.—jk}
Thailand’s average output growth rate between 1972 and 2001 was about 4.6 percent. For simplicity, assume that Thailand faced the same average real interest rate as
South Korea (6 percent). The NDL is set at Thailand’s maximum level of
public debt between 1972 and 2001, 35.4 percent. Given NDL, I find that the government
expenditure-to-output ratio is approximately 2.5 times the standard deviation below mean government expenditures.
As of 2001, the debt-to output ratio for Thailand was about 29.8 percent. Thus,
Thailand also appears to be close to its NDL. However, if the rate were to increase
to 7 percent, the resulting NDL would be about 20.5 percent. Thus, a long-term
increase in the interest rate would push Thailand much closer to its NDL. One
caveat is in order for Thailand’s results: the NDL depends on the assumption
that its government would be able to reduce expenditures to about 10.5 percent of GDP.
Thailand’s minimum level of expenditures over the sample period are 12.5 percent of GDP, so the implied fiscal
adjustment that supports it NDL could be very hard to achieve. A second caveat involves the sensitivity of the NDL to small changes in the interest rate
and the growth rate. Finally, even though Thailand has had a worse fiscal policy and larger public debt levels compared with
South Korea, its NDL may still be closer to the mean for other developing economies. The calculations show how changes in
economic conditions may sharply reduce the borrowing limit for the governments of Thailand and South Korea.
5. Conclusions
Given the results of this paper, it appears that South Korea's fiscal policy has historically
been consistent with its long-run balanced budget constraint. Moreover, it appears that the sustainability of fiscal
policy has strengthened in recent years. However, South Korea has not provisioned to cover implied liabilities created
by rapid increases in real private credit. If those increases were to become booms, South Korea might be pushed
against its borrowing limits. However, there is little evidence that South Korea is near a credit boom, so the probability
of reaching its NDL is low.
Thailand, on the other hand, appears to be running a fiscal policy that is inconsistent
with satisfying its long-run balanced budget constraint. Moreover, it appears that the quality of fiscal policy has weakened.
Additionally, Thailand has tended to run larger primary deficits in response to private credit growth. While Thailand
seems to be far away from its NDL, a worsening of conditions, such as a long-term increase in the interest rate caused by
loss of confidence and subsequent fiscal costs of dealing with a distressed financial sector, may push Thailand above its
NDL.
Thailand's current and continuing ability to borrow internationally may call into
question the reliability of Bohn's test of fiscal sustainability. For one thing, Bonn's test of sustainability of fiscal policy
is a test of the long-run budget constraint. So, creditors may be willing to extend credit temporarily as long as Thailand
keeps current with its international obligations. Additionally, there may be an expectation on the part of agents that fiscal
policy may strengthen in the future. However, the NDL results suggest that sudden changes in lenders' economic perceptions
that may be reflected in increases in interest rates can quickly reduce the amount of borrowing Thailand may be able to tap.
This is particularly worrying if this coincides with a drop in the rate of output growth, which would be the time that Thailand
would need to access capital markets the most.
Two factors will help the governments of South Korea and Thailand avoid a crisis or limit
its effects should one occur. First, the current expansions in South Korea and Thailand are mostly financed by domestic residents
in the form of domestic currency-denominated debt. Thus, these countries are not as vulnerable to a rapid depreciation of
the exchange rate that would inflate the real cost of making debt payments, as in a sudden stop episode. Second, the currencies
of Thailand and South Korea have tended to appreciate against the dollar and their current accounts have recorded large
surpluses. Thus, South Korea and Thailand have accumulated substantial stocks of foreign assets to pay off debts and recapitalize
their banks in the event of a crisis.
1. For the purposes of this paper, a policy is sustainable if it is consistent with the long-run government budget constraint
if maintained indefinitely
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The Bush deficit has not yet reached Reaganesque proportions (it stands at roughly
4.5 per cent of GDP). But Professor Pollin, for one, predicts that the resulting debt burden could rapidly rise to the levels
seen in the 1980s, with interest repayments eating up as much as 18-19 per cent of the overall federal budget. Thus billions of dollars are spent on interest payment, rather than in publicly useful programs such as universal
medical insurance, like those in the other developed countries of the world.
There is an inherent instability in the capitalist system. Almost
every year there is a crash with a government defaulting on its payments. In
the last decade, Mexico, Argentina (Nov. 02, $805M), Russia, Ivory Coast (June 04 on $700M), and several Asian nations. What follows are predictions for 05, followed by 5 economic wild-cards that could
bring on a recession or worse.
Predictions for 05, a survey of 60 forecasters in Business Week Magazine.:
What they
predict:
1. GDP growth of 3.5%
2. Profits grow by 6.7%
3. Oil to slip to $39/barrel by year’s end
4. Fed Reserve to raise fed fund rates from 2.25%
to 3.5%
5. 10-yearTreasury bonds will increase form 4.3% to 5.1%
6. Dollar lose about 10% value against major currencies
Economic Downturn 05, Likely Causes
FIVE NEGATIVE ITEMS THAT COULD THROW THEIR PREDICTIONS OFF
Their
list:
A. Dollar collapse:
growing concern for US ability to attract foreign capital to finance both private and public
investments. The effect of high budget deficit subtracts from domestic savings
(and thus investing) and the huge trade deficit also adds to financing needs. This
dependence on foreign financing reducing confidence in the US economy (in 85-87 the dollar fell 49% against major currencies,
Treasury bonds increased 2%, and stock prices fell 30%. A falling dollar
would especially effect US corporate bonds (held 50% by foreign investors).
B. Oil rise would slow consumer demand, and this would under mine business and consumer confidence.
C. Inflation, both rising oil
and falling dollar make consumer goods more expensive (inflation). China would thus revaluate their currency higher, thus
increasing inflation. High inflation makes existing bonds unattractive and new one must be offered at a higher rate.
D. Housing bubble: higher interest rates of 2% could bust the housing bubble, and deflating price deflates
household wealth, and so on.
E. Global economy:
Euro is weighed down by currency appreciation, and both Euro and Japan are experiencing
a slow down of economic growth, and increasing Arab violence would erode business and consumer confidence.
For the
best account of the Federal Reserve (http://www.freedocumentaries.org/film.php?id=214). One cannot understand U.S. politics, U.S. foreign
policy, or the world-wide economic crisis unless one understands the role of the Federal Reserve Bank and its role in the
financialization phenomena. The same sort of national-banking relationships as
in our country also exists in Japan and most of Europe.
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