Direct
Current, Too
The geography of solar power is
obviously different from the nation’s current supply scheme. Today coal, oil, natural gas and nuclear power plants dot
the landscape, built relatively close to where power is needed. Most of the country’s solar generation would stand in
the Southwest. The existing system of alternating-current (AC) power lines is not robust enough to carry power from these
centers to consumers everywhere and would lose too much energy over long hauls. A new high-voltage, direct-current (HVDC)
power transmission backbone would have to be built.
Studies by Oak Ridge National Laboratory indicate that long-distance HVDC lines lose far less energy than AC lines do over equivalent spans. The backbone would radiate from the Southwest toward the nation’s borders. The lines would
terminate at converter stations where the power would be switched to AC and sent along existing regional transmission lines
that supply customers.
The
AC system is also simply out of capacity, leading to noted shortages in California and other regions; DC lines are cheaper
to build and require less land area than equivalent AC lines. About 500 miles of HVDC lines operate in the U.S. today and have proved
reliable and efficient. No major technical advances seem to be needed, but more experience would help refine operations. The
Southwest Power Pool of Texas is designing an integrated system of DC and AC transmission to enable development of 10 GW of
wind power in western Texas. And TransCanada, Inc., is proposing 2,200 miles of HVDC lines to carry wind energy from Montana
and Wyoming south to Las Vegas and beyond.
Stage
One: Present to 2020
We have given considerable
thought to how the solar grand plan can be deployed. We foresee two distinct stages. The first, from now until 2020, must
make solar competitive at the mass-production level. This stage will require the government to guarantee 30-year loans, agree
to purchase power and provide price-support subsidies. The annual aid package would rise steadily from 2011 to 2020. At that
time, the solar technologies would compete on their own merits. The cumulative subsidy would total $420 billion (we will explain
later how to pay this bill).
About
84 GW of photovoltaics and concentrated solar power plants would be built by 2020. In parallel, the DC transmission system
would be laid. It would expand via existing rights-of-way along interstate highway corridors, minimizing land-acquisition
and regulatory hurdles. This backbone would reach major markets in Phoenix, Las Vegas, Los Angeles and San Diego to the west and San Antonio, Dallas, Houston, New Orleans, Birmingham, Ala., Tampa,
Fla., and
Atlanta to the east.
Building
1.5 GW of photovoltaics and 1.5 GW of concentrated solar power annually in the first five years would stimulate many manufacturers
to scale up. In the next five years, annual construction would rise to 5 GW apiece, helping firms optimize production lines.
As a result, solar electricity would fall toward six cents per kWh. This implementation schedule is realistic; more than 5
GW of nuclear power plants were built in the U.S. each year from 1972 to 1987. What is more, solar systems can be manufactured and installed at
much faster rates than conventional power plants because of their straightforward design and relative lack of environmental
and safety complications.
Stage
Two: 2020 to 2050
It is paramount that major
market incentives remain in effect through 2020, to set the stage for self-sustained growth thereafter. In extending our model
to 2050, we have been conservative. We do not include any technological or cost improvements beyond 2020. We also assume that
energy demand will grow nationally by 1 percent a year. In this scenario, by 2050 solar power
plants will supply 69 percent of U.S. electricity and 35 percent of total U.S. energy. This quantity includes enough to supply all the electricity consumed
by 344 million plug-in hybrid vehicles, which would displace their gasoline counterparts, key to reducing dependence on foreign
oil and to mitigating greenhouse gas emissions. Some three million new domestic jobs—notably in manufacturing solar
components—would be created, which is several times the number of U.S. jobs that would be lost in the then dwindling
fossil-fuel industries.
The
huge reduction in imported oil would lower trade balance payments by $300 billion a year, assuming a crude oil price
of $60 a barrel (average prices were higher in 2007). Once solar power plants are installed, they must
be maintained and repaired, but the price of sunlight is forever free, duplicating those fuel savings year after year. Moreover,
the solar investment would enhance national energy security, reduce financial burdens on the military, and greatly decrease
the societal costs of pollution and global warming, from human health problems to the ruining of coastlines and farmlands.
Ironically,
the solar grand plan would lower energy consumption. Even with 1 percent annual growth in demand, the 100 quadrillion
Btu consumed in 2006 would fall to 93 quadrillion Btu by 2050. This unusual offset arises because a good deal of energy is consumed to extract and process fossil fuels, and more
is wasted in burning them and controlling their emissions.
To
meet the 2050 projection, 46,000 square miles of land would be needed for photovoltaic and concentrated solar power installations.
That area is large, and yet it covers just 19 percent of the suitable Southwest land. Most of that land is barren; there is
no competing use value. And the land will not be polluted. We have assumed that only 10 percent of the solar capacity in 2050
will come from distributed photovoltaic installations—those on rooftops or commercial lots throughout the country. But
as prices drop, these applications could play a bigger role.
2050
and Beyond
Although it is not possible to project
with any exactitude 50 or more years into the future, as an exercise to demonstrate the full potential of solar energy we
constructed a scenario for 2100. By that time, based on our plan, total energy demand (including transportation) is projected
to be 140 quadrillion Btu, with seven times today’s electric generating capacity.
To
be conservative, again, we estimated how much solar plant capacity would be needed under the historical worst-case solar radiation
conditions for the Southwest, which occurred during the winter of 1982–1983 and in 1992 and 1993 following the Mount Pinatubo eruption, according to National
Solar Radiation Data Base records from 1961 to 2005. And again, we did not assume any further technological and cost improvements
beyond 2020, even though it is nearly certain that in 80 years ongoing research would improve solar efficiency, cost and storage.
Under
these assumptions, U.S. energy demand could be fulfilled with the following capacities: 2.9 terawatts (TW) of photovoltaic
power going directly to the grid and another 7.5 TW dedicated to compressed-air storage; 2.3 TW of concentrated solar power
plants; and 1.3 TW of distributed photovoltaic installations. Supply would be rounded out with 1 TW of wind farms, 0.2 TW
of geothermal power plants and 0.25 TW of biomass-based production for fuels. The model includes 0.5 TW of geothermal heat
pumps for direct building heating and cooling. The solar systems would require 165,000 square miles of land, still less than
the suitable available area in the Southwest.
In
2100 this renewable portfolio could generate 100 percent of all U.S. electricity and more than 90 percent
of total U.S. energy. In the spring and summer, the solar infrastructure would produce enough hydrogen to meet
more than 90 percent of all transportation fuel demand and would replace the small natural gas supply used to aid compressed-air
turbines. Adding 48 billion gallons of biofuel would cover the rest of transportation energy. Energy-related carbon dioxide
emissions would be reduced 92 percent below 2005 levels.
Who
Pays?
Our model is not an austerity plan, because
it includes a 1 percent annual increase in demand, which would sustain lifestyles similar to those today with expected efficiency
improvements in energy generation and use. Perhaps the biggest question is how to pay for a $420-billion overhaul of the nation’s
energy infrastructure. One of the most common ideas is a carbon tax. The International Energy Agency suggests that a carbon
tax of $40 to $90 per ton of coal will be required to induce electricity generators to adopt carbon capture and storage systems
to reduce carbon dioxide emissions. This tax is equivalent to raising the price of electricity by one to two cents per kWh.
But our plan is less expensive. The $420 billion could be generated with a carbon tax of 0.5 cent per kWh. Given that electricity
today generally sells for six to 10 cents per kWh, adding 0.5 cent per kWh seems reasonable.
Congress
could establish the financial incentives by adopting a national renewable energy plan. Consider the U.S. Farm Price Support
program, which has been justified in terms of national security. A solar price support program would secure the nation’s
energy future, vital to the country’s long-term health. Subsidies would be gradually deployed from 2011 to 2020. With
a standard 30-year payoff interval, the subsidies would end from 2041 to 2050. The HVDC transmission companies would not have
to be subsidized, because they would finance construction of lines and converter stations just as they now finance AC lines,
earning revenues by delivering electricity.
Although
$420 billion is substantial, the annual expense would be less than the current U.S. Farm Price Support program. It is also less than the tax subsidies that have been levied to build the country’s high-speed telecommunications
infrastructure over the past 35 years. And it frees the U.S. from policy and budget
issues driven by international energy conflicts.
Without
subsidies, the solar grand plan is impossible. Other countries have reached similar conclusions: Japan is already building a large, subsidized solar infrastructure,
and Germany has embarked on a
nationwide program. Although the investment is high, it is important to remember
that the energy source, sunlight, is free. There are no annual fuel or pollution-control costs like those for coal, oil or
nuclear power, and only a slight cost for natural gas in compressed-air systems, although hydrogen or biofuels could displace
that, too. When fuel savings are factored in, the cost of solar would be a bargain in coming decades. But we cannot wait until
then to begin scaling up.
Critics
have raised other concerns, such as whether material constraints could stifle large-scale installation. With rapid deployment,
temporary shortages are possible. But several types of cells exist that use different material combinations. Better processing
and recycling are also reducing the amount of materials that cells require. And in the long term, old solar cells can largely
be recycled into new solar cells, changing our energy supply picture from depletable fuels to recyclable materials.
The
greatest obstacle to implementing a renewable U.S. energy system is not technology or money, however. It is the lack of public awareness that solar
power is a practical alternative—and one that can fuel transportation as well. Forward-looking thinkers should try to
inspire U.S. citizens, and their political and scientific leaders, about solar power’s incredible potential.
Once Americans realize that potential, we believe the desire for energy self-sufficiency and the need to reduce carbon dioxide
emissions will prompt them to adopt a national solar plan.
What makes long-term
sense, doesn’t for those who are part of the WTO’s vision of the future.
Like protecting the costal barrier on the Gulf has been proposed to prevent the devastation for over 2 decades, such
does not fall within the sphere of action of the neoliberals which dominate both directly and indirectly our political process. And while other good plans have been adopted abroad, such as local, small traditional
energy plants which supply the byproduct of heat to the community, and medical which has controlled the costs of medical treatment
including prescription drugs, our nation clings to its neoliberal policies.